ADDRESS BY H.E. PROF. GUIDO DE MARCO, PRESIDENT OF MALTA, ON "IDEAS AND IDEALS ON UN REFORM" AT THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COLLEGE OF CHINA

It is a great pleasure for me to be here among you	today in this prestigious seat of diplomatic learning, not only because I am being honoured by the Foreign Affairs College of China with an honorary degree; nor because I have always striven to maintain contact with students and the academic world; but also because I want to share with you some reflections on the necessary role of the United Nations Organisation in world affairs.
May I add that I am very satisfied that during this	visit, an agreement of co-operation between this Foreign Affairs College of China and the Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies is to be signed. It augurs well for greater interaction between schools of thought and witnesses the interest of China in Malta and the Mediterranean region.
Ten years ago, in May 1991, I delivered a lecture on "A	Second Generation United Nations" in Beijing here at the College of Foreign Affairs.
I was then visiting the People’s Republic of China	in my capacity as President of the Forty-fifth Session of the United Nations General Assembly. I was bringing forward new thinking that was within the Organisation.
Today, I am sharing my thoughts with you while	visiting your country as President of Malta. During this visit, I will be able to appreciate more fully the great changes, achievements and development that China and its peoples have undertaken in such a short span of time.
During these past years, the international milieu has	also undergone significant change due to a number of factors and causes. These and other developments convince even more of the validity of the arguments I put forward here ten years ago.
As Head of State, I now feel as much party to the	United Nations' purposes and principles as I did then, and perhaps even more so.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Some of us present here lived the tragedy of the	Second World War.
Some of us experienced the struggle for nationhood	and independence.
All of us remember the stifling international climate	caused by the East-West divide. We all saw the fall of the Berlin Wall and the burying of the Cold War.
We have been witnesses to the apparently perennial	spiral of violence in the Middle East.
We, the global community of nations, live under	menacing clouds of widespread economic recession, the likes of which Asian economies experienced a few years ago; recessions that threatened and affected the livelihood of entire communities and the stability of whole countries and regions.
We were also distant witnesses to the genocide in	Rwanda, and the atrocities committed throughout various parts of the African continent, as well as the Balkan Wars that have revived the spectre of the inhumanity of war right in the heart of Europe.
With arguments for and against, we are all	conditioned by the prevailing tide of globalisation, in all its facets.
The Iron Curtain has today been replaced by our	concern for the Poverty Curtain, with the divide between the ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ growing because of particular socio-economic realities.
The manner in which the international community dealt	with – and is still struggling with – these and other important developments, is a clear indication of the way that we, member states of the United Nations, want this Organisation to address and respond to international political, socio-economic and security issues.
Most importantly, we can envisage on the horizon the	coming of age of a multi-polar world order. This affects our perception of future relationships among great powers and the role of small and medium sized countries in this evolving scenario.

Two questions come to the fore:

How effective was the United Nations in adhering to the Charter's aims and values ?

What are we doing to forge and temper the United Nations' role as a relevant player in this emerging multi-polar society?

Mired in Cold War terrain, the United Nations was only partially able to express its full potential as the harbinger of peace and stability.

Decolonisation was one such example of that partial success. On the other hand, though debate on issues related to arms control occupied much of the Organisation’s time and efforts, the concrete results were few.

Yet, what is often overlooked are the Conventions and instruments of soft law of which the United Nations is depository. Although lacking in immediate tangible results these have transformed this Organisation into a standard bearer, a beacon of light.

Conferences highlighting social development and environmental issues brought onto the agenda of States topics and subjects that had to be reckoned with, both due to internal and international pressure.

Mention must also be made of the very useful work, often hidden from the glare of cameras, of the specialised agencies such as the World Health Organisation, the International Labour Organisation, and UNESCO.

The argument that the United Nations' measure of success is minimal when compared to the effort and time involved, necessarily has to be viewed against the backdrop of the Cold War and the increased and varied interests of a steadily rising membership.

The end of the Cold War offered us respite, hope, and rising expectations.

I had the privilege of witnessing at first hand the widespread international understanding reached during the Gulf War. The Liberation of Kuwait was a watershed. It gave public opinion reason to opine that, through the offices of the United Nations, member states had finally found the way to build a better future.

However, the post Cold War world has also been a world characterised by changing threats.

The dramatic increase of costly peacekeeping operations all around the world testifies to a widespread sense of instability.

The resulting tide of refugees escaping conflict has become a major concern, across borders and regions.

Natural and man-made disasters add up to the list of woes that the United Nations tries to grapple with.

Coupled with underdevelopment, these problems often present themselves as a quagmire. Within the fold of the United Nations, there have been several initiatives aimed at alleviating the burden and pain of people living in precarious conditions.

Bridging the gap between the wealthy and the poor, between North and South, remains a formidable task.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

To this post-Cold War world of changing threats,	members of the international community have responded in a way that could have dealt a severe blow to the authority and credibility of the United Nations.
Because when a state or a group of states, acting	outside the parameters of the United Nations, adopt corrective and/or punitive measures in areas of crises, the Organisation’s role is called into question.
Undoubtedly, no other umbrella offers better	legitimisation than that of the universal voice of the United Nations for actions aimed at restoring peace and stability. In this context, it is in the interests of all to seek solutions giving the United Nations the primary responsibility of guaranteeing international peace and security.
Like many others, I share the belief that only	through the proper re-vitalisation and consolidation of this Organisation’s functions and responsibilities, can the international community be in a position to respond credibly and effectively to destabilising threats.
Nearly fifty-six years to the day, this most	universally representative of organisations, is now showing signs of ageing. The eventual need for reform was even acknowledged by the founding fathers (vide article 109 of the Charter). There have been slow reforms, throughout the system, aimed at making it leaner and more efficient, even more transparent. However, efficiency and better management skills do not automatically equate to added relevance.
All main organs of the United Nations require studied	reform.
Discussions on a number of proposals that centre on	Security Council reform have been on-going for a number of years. It is acknowledged that the Council’s current composition does not reflect the increase in the Organisation’s membership, as it did over fifty years ago. Notwithstanding the sensitivity of the issues in question, this state of affairs beckons the need to seek agreement. Only thus could the world community give concrete form to ameliorative changes so as to reflect the evolution that has occurred within its midst.
Some improvements have been registered with regards	to working methods, but much more needs to be done, especially with regard to transparency so as to allow the general membership to be more informed about proceedings. We understand that a meaningful reform of the Security Council will enable it to act more rapidly and guard against marginalisation when faced with situations that require its attention and intervention.
Of the main organs of the United Nations, I believe	that the General Assembly is in most dire need of self-assessment, revaluation and re-vitalisation. There exists the impression that the General Assembly is conspicuous by its absence on issues where it could and should have a say. Except for its six committees, the manner in which the Assembly operates does not help either.
I have drawn attention to the fact that the General	Assembly hibernates for most of the year except for the three months it is in session. International developments do not only happen from mid-September to December. The convening of the Assembly in three part sessions throughout the year can go a long way in ensuring a continuous presence and greater alertness in addressing issues of concern.
Ten years ago, I also sought to give added relevance	through my personal presence, as President of the UN General Assembly, in emergency areas around the world.
A pro-active General Assembly may reassert its	rightful place as the centre of gravity of the United Nations. A pro-active General Assembly, working within the parameters of the Charter, has to consider in depth the general principles of co-operation in the maintenance of international peace and security, and in terms of Article 11 make recommendations with regard to such principles to the members or the Security Council, or to both. It is the responsibility of the General Assembly to call the attention of the Security Council to situations which are likely to endanger international peace and security.
The exercise of such rights and responsibilities on	the part of the General Assembly is rarely put in use. Moreover, the General Assembly, which in terms of Article 17 considers and approves the budget of the Organisation as well as of the specialised agencies, can put to good use such power in promoting its own relevance on matters affecting the primacy of its role in world affairs.
Whilst in the Security Council there are only 5	permanent members and 10 elected members, in the General Assembly all members are permanent members.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I went to the United Nations as a politician and an	academic. I believe I came out with a significant baggage of diplomatic knowledge. I have seen the system function from the outside, and also had the privilege of being part of its machinery.
My experience has buttressed my conviction that no	amount of reform proposals will ever see fruition unless there exists the political will to implement them.
Admittedly, achieving political consensus on such	sensitive issues in this largest of multi-lateral organisations can be a thoroughly painstaking experience. But our political forefathers agreed to the Charter because they believed that it was necessary to do so.
They wanted to save succeeding generations from the	scourge of war.
Today, we are a larger family of nations. Many	recognise the necessity to adapt this Organisation to changed and changing realities. It is necessary.
It is necessary for us all to make of this	Organisation the ultimate guarantor of all aspects of peace and stability within a context of evolving challenges and opportunities.
This requires moral responsibility, a clear vision	for the future and the political stamina to realise the United Nations’ inherent potential.
For those of us who look towards multi-polarity as an	effective and meaningful way of guaranteeing lasting peace and stability, the relevance of the General Assembly is a must – it is the United Nations’ major organ and the only one with a near universal representation.
Multi-polarity demands of all a higher degree of	inclusion, dialogue and consultation. And greater consultation of the General Assembly on the part of the Security Council can lead to the consolidation of multilateral exchanges and a multi-polar system of stability. This will ensure that even small and medium-sized countries will have a proper say in matters that directly affect their interests and concerns.
I would like to quote from the text of the	Russian-Chinese Joint Declaration on a Multi-polar World and the Establishment of a New International Order, adopted in Moscow on 23 April 1997 during President Jiang Zemin’s State visit to the Russian Federation.
The People’s Republic of China and the Russian	Federation, it states, "believe that the United Nations, as the most universal and authoritative organisation of sovereign States, has a place and role in the world that cannot be supplanted by any other international organisation." Both countries, it adds, "are confident that the United Nations will play an important role in the establishment and maintenance of the new international order."
In this respect, consensus and agreement could be	wider than envisaged. Moreover, considering that the economic implications of globalisation tend to integrate economies and permeate borders, a multi-polar world system will be a natural distension of de facto economic realities.

The signs are there for all to see.

On us rests the onus to seek and identify solutions.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I believe in constructively building upon that which	we have inherited.
Malta and China have developed an excellent	relationship of which we will be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary next year.
Malta and China also share the interest to make of	the United Nations the ultimate guarantor of peace in an evolving international system. I look forward to sustaining this relationship between the most populous country on earth and an island state in the middle of the Mediterranean, both within bilateral and multilateral frameworks.
My country earnestly believes in the essential role	of the United Nations to the benefit of "we the peoples". Through several initiatives since 1964, we have demonstrated that our contribution can definitely be greater than our geography.
We have examined the relevance of Chapter VIII of the	Charter of the United Nations referring to regional arrangements dealing with matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action; in particular, where it is stated that "The Security Council shall, where appropriate, utilise such regional arrangements or agencies for enforcement action under its authority."
It is with this objective in mind that at Helsinki II	in 1992, Malta proposed that the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE, then CSCE) becomes the regional arrangement for peace-keeping, in terms of Chapter VIII of the Charter – a proposal which was accepted by the participating countries and has given very positive relevance to the OSCE in matters affecting the maintenance of international peace and security in the region.
This objective was also mentioned in the United	Nations Millennium Declaration whereby the Heads of State and Government resolved to "strengthen co-operation between the United Nations and regional organisations in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VIII of the Charter."
We acknowledge the necessity of Articles 41 and 42 as	to maintaining and restoring international peace and security. We realise also the reasoning behind the application of sanctions in terms of the Charter. Malta has, however, pointed out on several occasions the need to minimise the adverse effects of United Nations economic sanctions on innocent populations and to eliminate their negative effects on third parties.
We have championed the concept of the common heritage	of mankind linking it in particular to new and relevant concepts of a law of the sea for the 21st century. In over three decades, this concept has become central to the thinking of states and organisations. Several initiatives have been undertaken to bequeath to future generations the intellectual, socio-political, cultural and environmental heritage that we were able to enjoy and build upon.
It was seminal in conceiving and actualising the	United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) which entered into force in November 1994. Incorporating a complex array of legal, political and socio-economic considerations, this comprehensive Convention treats and addresses the problems of sea and ocean floor as an interrelated whole.
This concept is also central to our proposal to	evolve the role of the now moribund Trusteeship Council. "In addition to its role under the Charter, the Trusteeship Council should hold in trust for humanity its common heritage and its common concerns: the environment, the protection of the extra-territorial zones and of the resources of the sea and seabed, the climate and the right of future generations. These we have to hold in trust for humanity and the Trusteeship Council can be the right organ for this purpose." (Excerpt from the Concluding statement of the President of the Forty-fifth Session of the UN General Assembly).
This re-vitalised concept of trust for the benefit of	future generations has been endorsed by the Secretary General in his Report on United Nations Reforms in July 1997. Kofi Annan reports that the Trusteeship Council shall be reconstituted "as the forum through which member states exercise their collective trusteeship for the integrity of the global environment and common areas such as the oceans, the atmosphere and outer space. At the same time, it should serve to link the United Nations and civil society in addressing these areas of global concern which require the active contribution of public, private and voluntary sectors."
We are confident that the concept and aims of this	proposal will receive due endorsement by all who have at heart a relevant United Nations and the well being of our children.
Elizabeth Mann Borgese, in applauding Malta’s	initiative on the Trusteeship Council in her inspiring book Ocean Governance and the United Nations, writes that the "Trusteeship Council shall hold in sacred trust the principle of the common heritage of mankind. [. . .] The Trusteeship Council shall act as the conscience of the United Nations and the guardian of future generations."
In remaining true to the purposes and principles of	the Charter, and within the comprehensive view of a general re-vitalisation of the General Assembly, the Trusteeship Council should continue functioning under the authority of the said Assembly.
In adapting its responsibilities, in giving it	meaning, in requiring of it the duty of safeguarding the common heritage of mankind, we will be addressing in a more comprehensive manner a broader concept of security.
The notion of security today overlaps the terrain of	the preservation of cultures that risk succumbing to the more negative aspects of globalisation.
Today, the notion of security is also connected to	the effects of climate change, our collective responsibility to safeguard bio-diversity and that of ensuring a sustainable development and appropriate use of our natural resources.
By providing such a safeguard to important corollary	issues of security, we will be enhancing the credibility of the United Nations whilst significantly reducing risks to relatively large and small states alike.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Because of the universal composition and representation of the United Nations; because of the purposes and principles on which it was founded and which acceding states adhered to; this Organisation is the place where fundamental concepts and ideas affecting mankind have to be debated. It is the forum where concepts such as the common heritage of mankind have to be pursued and realised.

We are referring to ideals grounded on realpolitik. For there is no incompatibility between being an idealist and a realist. A realist in politics and diplomacy is one who knows when the time is mature for his ideals to be realised.

We believe in the United Nations, not as a nebulous	concept, but as an efficient instrument for the maintenance of world peace and security.
We have to look at an evolving United Nations	Organisation no longer with Cold War lenses, but through innovative responses to security challenges. It is with this sense of innovation anchored on the principles of the Charter that in the words of the Millennium Declaration,
"We rededicate ourselves to support all efforts	to uphold the sovereign equality of all States, respect for their territorial integrity and political independence, resolution of disputes by peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, the right to self-determination of peoples which remain under colonial domination and foreign occupation, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for the equal rights of all without distinction to race, sex, language or religion and international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character."
These we consider to be fundamental values. This can	be a relevant United Nations acting as the guarantor of a stable and secure multi-polar world order.
I believe in building and achieving this future	together.

Thank you.